President Barack Obama began his speech in Accra by saying: “We will begin from the premise that Africa’s future is up to Africans.” Instead of upholding this promise, he proceeded to give a lecture (not a speech). The lecture itself was a rehearsal of previous lectures Africans have been accustomed to from Western leaders and governments – about democracy, accountability, stability, war and growth.

The only difference Obama brought to the table was to be more explicit and candid about Africa’s ills. Other Western leaders are often diplomatic and very polite when talking about Africa’s failures. This is largely because being white makes them run the risk of being misunderstood. For example, they can be accused of racism if they speak frankly about Africa’s endemic tribalism and corruption.

Yet the enthusiasm with which many Africans received the speech was actually not a sign of hope but surrender. Many Africans, especially those who were celebrating over it, were also demonstrating the sense of powerlessness they feel rather than renewed energy to challenge the continent’s entrenched rulers. It was as if Africans finally had found someone who could speak to their rulers about the continent’s malaise. Africans have been waiting for a saviour from without to liberate them from their own rulers. To me this attitude is the biggest threat to the continent.

For all that Obama said, he seemed to radically misunderstand the source of Africa’s crisis. He thinks that Africa has failed because its leaders – either out of stupidity or bad judgement – made wrong choices. In focusing largely on the personality of individual presidents, Obama misses the incentives that make Africa’s rulers make choices that harm/hurt their citizens. From this wrong premise, Obama proceeds, thinking that Africa’s rulers can change their ways through moral exhortations.

Obama needs to study Africa more intimately before he can lecture about it. I personally think Africa’s rulers make the choices they make based on the structure of incentives they face. For example, many African countries pursued growth destroying policies in the 1960s and 70s because powerful interests within the state profited from them and therefore formed strong public sector constituencies against reform.

Today, with the exception of Rwanda, most African countries have extremely dysfunctional healthcare and education systems. On the face of it, these failures seem a product of poor policies, insufficient funds, administrative weaknesses and limited human resources. Yet the institutionalised corruption and incompetence in these sectors creates profitable opportunities, both politically and economically, to incumbents in the state.

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